Unraveling the Convoluted Yemen’s Civil Strife (2015-2022)
Yemen, a nation entangled in the throes of a relentless civil war since 2015, finds itself grappling with a myriad of historical, political, and economic complexities. The conflict has become one of the world's worst humanitarian crises, captivating international attention. In this exploration, we delve into the roots of this turmoil, dissecting its historical antecedents, examining geopolitical influences, and shedding light on the humanitarian toll it has exacted. Readers, in general, often have this misconception that this conflict is somewhat of a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Iran or that the civil war is fought on a sectarian front. This article, however, disapproves of that and attempts to ascertain that the civil war occurred due to historical marginalization in terms of political imbalance and economic inequality.
The genesis of Yemen's modern strife can be traced back to the unification of North and South Yemen in the 1990s. Initially promising, this union quickly devolved into a series of political and economic missteps, leading to widespread discontent and the emergence of various factions (internal and external) vying for control. (Sharp, 2021)
Historically, North Yemen, controlled by the Ottoman Empire, gained independence in 1918. South Yemen, under British rule, gained independence in 1967. Unification in 1990 birthed the Republic of Yemen but failed to address underlying grievances. The imposition of heavy taxation in the North, coupled with oil discoveries in Marib, exacerbated economic disparities and fueled resentment among the marginalized population. (Fieirstein, 2019)
The discovery of oil, initially seen as a unifying force, ultimately soured relations, resulting in a brief civil war between the North and the South. Despite the North's victory, tensions persisted, and the seeds of discontent were sown, particularly among the Zaydi Shi’a group in the Sa’dah region. (Fieirstein, 2019)
The Houthi movement, founded by Badr al-Din al-Houthi, gained traction, not solely on religious grounds but also as a response to political instability. Both Shias and Sunnis supported it. Six Sa’dah wars between 2004 and 2010 revealed a growing base motivated by a desire for political change rather than purely sectarian motives; for instance, economic instability, economic inequality, and political instability. (Fieirstein, 2019)
The Arab Spring in 2011 catalyzed protests, prompting President Ali Abdullah Saleh (referred to as Saleh) to step down, albeit reluctantly. The ensuing power vacuum allowed the Houthi forces to expand their influence, capitalizing on the economic woes and dissatisfaction among the youth. Yemenis took to the streets, demanding not just a change in leadership, but a complete overhaul of the political and socioeconomic landscape. (Fieirstein, 2019)
Saleh's departure set off a series of negotiations, but the situation spiraled out of control. International intervention became inevitable, with Saleh seeking assistance from the global community. King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia backed Abdul Hadi, and Saleh was pushed out of the office. Abdul Hadi assumed leadership, and a National Dialogue Conference took place. (Fieirstein, 2019) However, the Southerners, feeling disenfranchised, struggled to decide on their role in the negotiation process. (Cambrini and Zanotti, 2020)
Pro-Saleh troops in the Yemeni army deflected, proving to be another blow to the Yemeni armed forces. The Houthi forces were able to take advantage of this power vacuum and started gaining territory one after the other before finally taking over Sana’a. They had popularity not only among the sectarian side but in the common masses as well. Saleh, earlier the arch nemesis of Houthis, joined hands with Houthis. Amidst the mishmash, Hadi introduced a new constitution that divided Yemen into six federal territories. Houthis found this bias for systemically discriminating against the already marginalized population of the North and immediately rejected it. Hadi was then forced to resign and was put under house arrest. He then fled to Aden and rolled back on his resignation. Hadi eventually fled to Saudi Arabia, from where he sent the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) a request to block the Houthi advance to Southern Yemen, The UNSC came back with resolution 2216 (UNSCR), which recognizes the Hadi government as the legitimate government of Yemen. (Fieirstein, 2019).
The conflict intensified, resulting in an unimaginable loss of lives and widespread destruction. Foreign actors, rather than facilitating resolution, exacerbated the crisis, evidenced by the indiscriminate bombing across civilian infrastructure throughout Yemen (Lee, Kelly, and Mirza). Instead of facilitating dialogue and coming to a resolution, such acts inadvertently caused more distress and prevented warring parties from solving disputes peacefully. Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia launched a military operation that resulted in a horrific and tragic loss of life on a massive scale. A Western-funded organization (ACLED) calculated the demise of more than 145,000 people from 2015 to 2021. (Sharp, 2021)
Amidst this, the Houthi-Saleh alliance, once united, crumbled, leading to Saleh's death in 2017. Following that, Houthi incursions to the South were successfully fought off by the Southerners. However, the failed transition process and years of marginalization led to prevalent support for the Southern secessionist movement, and the Southern Transitional Council came into existence, further breaking the country into pieces. The failure of the Houthi-Saleh alliance gave new hope to the Saudi Alliance, who intensified the attacks from their end, re-captured the region of Marib, and pushed towards the Hodeida port. The idea behind capturing the port was to make all actors sit at a table to resolve their disputes nonviolently. The first round of talks in Stockholm in 2018 resulted in an understanding to remove forces from the Hodeida port and permit a third party to accept guardianship of the port. But before anything big could materialize, the Hadi government called out the Houthis for violation of the agreement, and things again went sideways. (Fieirstein, 2019)
As defined by Thomson, the credibility commitment problems are those, and I quote, “... in which both sides fear the other side will renege on their promises … when they are vulnerable which can result in delays to disarmament or even a return to fighting.” (Thomson, 2020, p. 03) The credibility commitment problem persisted, evidenced by the rejection of constitutional proposals and the Houthi derailment of negotiations. The power struggle intensified, leaving violence as the only perceived recourse. The ongoing conflict, coupled with diseases like Cholera and COVID-19, has plunged Yemen into a dire humanitarian crisis.
The failure of numerous attempts to resolve the conflict peacefully underscores deep-rooted matters of inequality and political discord. Yemenis have grappled with perpetual wars since the 1960s, navigating a complex web of problems stemming from colonization, political failures, and societal disenfranchisement. About 2.3 million Children below age 5 are at peril of intense malnutrition in 2021 (OCHA, 2021). Up to 19 million people are food-precarious, and fifty thousand face scanty conditions, according to the World Food Program (WFP, 2021).
Yemen has suffered from violent conflicts repeatedly in the past decades for several reasons, including inequality concerning the political-economic system and the concentration of wealth by the nobility. The sense of marginalization has been present since the unification in the 1990s. It is not that there have not been any attempts to resolve this conflict, but the unwillingness of the politicians that exacerbated the issue into a full-blown crisis. Observing this, it can be said that the marginalization led to polarization, resulting in a civil conflict. To conclude, Yemenis have been involved in perpetual wars since the 1960s. But ever since the colonization period, they have been entangled in a web of complex problems. Yemenis did identify the problem several times, but the problem was not with the process but rather the execution. The politicians failed to materialize it, and the common masses remained uninterested, unenthusiastic, and disenfranchised. Violence became the preferred tactic, resulting in a humanitarian crisis on an inconceivable scale.
Works Cited
Feierstein, Gerald M., “Yemen: THE 60 YEARS WAR”, Middle east institute, February 2019.
Thomson, Andrew. “The Credible Commitment Problem and Multiple Armed Groups: FARC Perceptions of Insecurity During Disarmament in the Colombian Peace Process.” Taylor Francis Online, Conflict, Security and Development, 2020
Cambrini, Rebecca, and Luca Zanotti. “The Yemeni Conflicts: A Mismatch Theory Interpretation.” De Gruyter, De Gruyter, 1 May 2021.
Lee, Joyce Sohyun, Meg Kelly, and Atthar Mirza. "Saudi-led airstrikes in Yemen have been called war crimes. Many relied on U.S. support." The Washington Post, 4 June 2022.
Sharp, Jeremy M. “Yemen: Civil War and Regional Intervention.” Congressional Research Service Reports on the Middle East and the Arab World, 13 Nov. 2021.
United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Yemen Situation Report, 2021.
World Food Programme, “Yemen Situation Report #9, September 2022,”
